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Malgré ça je rabâchais mon idée de départ : les états-unis combattaient les communistes parce que ces derniers voulaient tout envahir. Quand une personne m'a demandé ce qu'était le communisme, j'ai ouvert la bouche pour répondre, mais je me suis rendu compte que j'en avais pas la moindre idée. J'avais une image des communistes qui sortait d'un dessin animé. Un espion avec un imper et un chapeau noir rabattu sur le visage, en surveillance furtive au coin des rues. À l'école, on nous enseignait que les communistes travaillaient dans les mines de sel, qu'ils n'étaient pas libres, que tout le monde s'habillait de manière identique et que personne ne possédait rien. Les Africain se tordaient de rire.

J'avais l'impression d'être un parfait clown. L'un d'entre eux m'expliqua que le communisme était un système politico-économique, mais je n'écoutais pas. Je m'écoutais parler. Je l'avais ouverte bien grand sur des sujets que je ne comprenais même pas. Je savais que j'ignorais tout du communisme, et pourtant j'y étais farouchement opposée. Comme quand t'es gosse et qu'on te fait croire au croque-mitaine, mais t'as peur de lui et tu le détestes.

Je n'ai jamais oublié ce jour-là. On nous apprend dès la plus tendre enfance à haïr les communistes, mais la plupart d'entre nous n'ont pas la moindre idée de ce qu'est le communisme. J'ai commencé à me rappeler toutes les conneries que les gens me racontaient quand j'étais petite. « Faut pas faire confiance aux Antillais ils vont te poignarder dans le dos. » « Fais pas confiance aux Africains, ils se croient mieux que nous. » « Traîne pas avec les Portoricains parce qu'ils se serrent toujours les coudes et ils vont se liguer contre toi. »

J'avais appris par l'expérience que tout cela n'était que des mensonges racontés par des gens stupides, mais je n'avais jamais imaginé qu'on pouvait me manipuler si facilement, au point d'être contre quelque chose que je ne comprenais pas. C'est sans doute l'un des principes les plus élémentaires dans la vie : toujours décider par vous-mêmes qui sont vos ennemis et ne jamais laisser vos ennemis vous dicter qui sont les vôtres.

— Assata by Assata Shakur, Collectif Cases Rebelles (Page 233)

Our people have demonstrated undying love. The white man doesn’t want us to know that, but we don’t take the white man’s interpretations here. If you’re walking down the street and you have undying love for your brother and a policeman shoots him and you try to kill that policeman with a brick, a bottle, a stick—anything you have in your hand—that is undying love. When you reach the stage of undying love, one forgets what is called “reason.” If you see a policeman hitting your mama, you ain’t got time for no reason, you’re going to try to kill him. And if we saw every black woman as our mother, then we would begin to understand this concept of undying love. If we saw every black man as our brother, then we would begin to understand this concept of undying love. And if we saw every black woman as our sister, then we would understand this concept of undying love. It is that concept, first and most important, that we must try to achieve.

Undying love does not mean only that you’re willing to die for your people, it also means you’re willing to kill for your people—which is more important. And please don’t get excited with the word “kill,” because all of the young men in here are asked to kill for this country. When they send you to Vietnam they don’t send you just to die, they send you to kill. And if you can kill for a country that’s done what it has to us for all these years, it should certainly be easy for you to kill for your people.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 148)

I have said that most liberal whites react to Black Power with the question, “What about me?” rather than saying: “Tell me what you want me to do and I'll see if I can do it.” There are answers to the right question. One of the most disturbing things about almost all white supporters of the movement has been that they are afraid to go into their own communities —which is where the racism exists— and work to get rid of it. They want to run from Berkeley to tell us what to do in Mississippi; let them look instead at Berkeley. They admonish blacks to be nonviolent; let them preach nonviolence in the white community. They come to teach me Negro history; let them go to the suburbs and open up freedom schools for whites. Let them work to stop America's racist foreign policy; let them press this government to cease supporting the economy of South Africa.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 29)

White liberals are always saying, “What can we do?” I mean, they’re always coming to help black people. I thought of an analogy. If you were walking down the street and a man had a gun on another man – let’s say both of them were white – and you had to help somebody, whom would you help? It’s obvious to me that if I were walking down the street, and a man had a gun on another man, and I was going to help, I’d help the man who didn’t have the gun, if the man who had the fun was just pulling the gun on the other man for no apparent reason – if he was just going to rob him or shoot him because he didn’t like him. The only way I could help is either to get a gun and shoot the man with the gun, or take the gun away from him – join the fellow who doesn’t have a gun and both of us gang up on the man with the gun. But white liberals never do that. When the man has the gun, they walk around him and they come to the victim, and they say “Let me help you,” and what they mean is “help you adjust to the situation with the man who has the gun on you."

If indeed white liberals are going to help, their only job is to get the gun from the man and talk to him, because he is a sick man. The black man is not the sick man, it is the white man who is sick, he’s the one who picked up the gun.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 99)

You cannot grant anybody independence, they just take it; and that is what white America is going to learn. No white liberal can give me anything. The only thing a white liberal can do for me is to help civilize other whites, because they need to be civilized.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 85)

I’m always appalled when some white person tells me that “progress is being made.” I always ask him, “Progress for whom and from whom?” Progress for white people might be made, because I would say that since World War II they have learned a little how to get around, to get along with people of color. But I don’t think there’s been progress for the black people, there’s not been progress for the black people, there’s not been progress for the people of color around the Third World. And progress will not be measured for us by white people. We will have to tell you when progress is being made. You cannot tell us when progress is being made, because progress for us getting you off our backs, and that’s the only progress that we can see.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 82)

(...) But the society either pretends it does not know of institutionalized racism, or is incapable of doing anything meaningful about the conditions of institutionalized racism. And the resistance to doing anything meaningful about institutionalized racism stems from the fact that Western society enjoys its luxury from institutionalized racism, and therefore, were it to end institutionalized racism, it would in fact destroy itself.

— Stokely speaks by Stokely Carmichael (Page 79)

For a moment Stephens's face opened and disapproval of Freeman showed there briefly, as if Freeman had been personally responsible for the rioting which now threatened their jobs. Stephens looked down quickly at his desk blotter, the blotter a pale shade of violet held in place with handworked Florentine leather. When he looked up again he had a warm, if somewhat tight, white liberal smile on his face.

— The spook who sat by the door by Sam Greenlee (African American life) (Page 181)

The television networks thought that riots in the North might replace the now absent police dogs, fire hoses, cattle prods and mounted state troopers of the South in entertainment value. They each dispatched top-flight task forces to cover the rioting in full color. Antonioni announced plans in Rome to do a technicolor movie concerning the riots. It would involve one man's agony in trying to decide whether to throw a brick at the police and the entire movie would take place in a kitchenette apartment. Marcello Mastroianni would play the lead in blackface.

— The spook who sat by the door by Sam Greenlee (African American life) (Page 172)

La responsabilité de l’homme de culture colonisé n’est pas une responsabilité en face de la culture nationale mais une responsabilité globale à l’égard de la nation globale, dont la culture n’est, somme toute, qu’un aspect. L’homme de culture colonisé ne doit pas se préoccuper de choisir le niveau de son combat, le secteur où il décide de livrer le combat national, Se battre pour la culture nationale, c’est d’abord se battre pour la libération de la nation, matrice matérielle à partir de laquelle la culture devient possible. Il n’y a pas un combat culturel qui se développerait latéralement au combat populaire. Par exemple, tous ces hommes et toutes ces femmes qui se battent poings nus contre le colonialisme français en Algérie ne sont pas étrangers à la culture nationale algérienne. La culture nationale algérienne prend corps et consistance au cours de ces combats, en prison, devant la guillotine, dans les postes militaires français investis et détruits.

— Les damnés de la terre by Frantz Fanon (Page 221)